Year: 2021

Year: 2021

The World’s First National Action Plan on Youth, Peace and Security – An analysis of Finnish commitments

9 December 2021

Katrina Leclerc[1]

In August 2021, the peace and security community welcomed the first National Action Plan (NAP) on Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) under Finnish leadership.

The Finnish NAP (2021-2024) comes at a time when we are witnessing a rise in the impact of the YPS community – with thousands of youth-led social justice movements providing emergency assistance in pandemic responses in the Philippines, to global anti-racism demands in the United States, to civil disobedience following the February coup in Myanmar. Young people are making waves on the international stage, further demonstrating their agency in peace.

Finland is one of the pioneers of the Youth, Peace and Security agenda, having first announced its NAP development process in 2019, and co-hosting the first international symposium on the positive role of young people in peace processes in Helsinki in March of that year. The Finnish YPS NAP builds on the standard for NAP drafting, strongly inspired by the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. National action plans have been the primary method to translate international law into actionable commitments by governments, since the ground-breaking adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR on WPS) in 2000.

Effective implementation of policy commitments

Following the adoption of UNSCR 2250 on YPS in 2015, young peacebuilders and their allies have been debating whether or not NAPs are the most effective tool to institutionalize and operationalize the agenda. Nevertheless, the Finnish NAP, followed by the Nigerian NAP, paves the way for Colombia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, The Gambia, and the Philippines, among others, who have announced their development of national action plans on this thematic area.

The question of effective NAP development aside – the NAP process outlined by Finland demonstrates the need for an inclusive consultation and drafting process.

“Our 2250 network of youth organizations and other civil society actors played a key role at all stages of the NAP process. We organized two rounds of consultations that produced input for the NAP, we were invited to give comments to draft documents, and had a constant dialogue with the ministry formally and informally. We also received some public funding that enabled us to organize the consultations. In general, our views were very well received and taken into account. Of course there is always room for improvement, and we are confident that our active role and youth involvement will continue in the next stages.” – Kaisa Larjomaa, International Advocacy Specialist at the Finnish National Youth Council Allianssi; Coordinator of the 2250 network of Finland

It also addresses a critical gap in some other countries’ NAPs, that of domestic implementation. Several countries which are considered “at peace,” such as Finland, have been criticized for adopting NAPs on WPS (or other thematic areas) which have little to no domestic focus. This means that a country’s NAP is almost exclusively linked to its international commitments rather than also addressing local gaps in peace and security. Finland’s NAP is refreshingly diverse in its approach and recognizes, targets, and prioritizes a dual implementation – both domestic and foreign.  

The priority areas in Finland’s NAP on YPS follow the five pillars of the YPS agenda (participation, prevention, partnerships, protection, and disengagement and reintegration). Importantly, it also includes a cross-cutting theme on intersectionality. It pulls from lessons learned from UNSCR 1325, and the WPS agenda, and demands an intersectional analysis inspired by the long-examined context of sex and gender. Finland commits to also addressing the specific marginalization of boys and young men. In Finland, young women are more likely to meaningfully participate in political decision-making. Interestingly, the NAP does not have young women-specific measures in this regard.

The Finnish NAP expands further to various other facets of young people’s identities such as sexual orientation, disability, race, religion, social-economic and educational backgrounds. By doing so, Finland recognizes the diversity of young people and focuses on their strengths and barriers – an emerging approach promoted by intersectional feminist actors.

“An intersectional approach will be promoted in the action plan by involving different types of young people and youth organisations and by providing them with the opportunity to also participate in the plan’s monitoring and evaluation. […] The intersectional approach also means taking into account that some young people need more support in order to play a meaningful role in decision-making.” (Finland National Action Plan on Youth, Peace and Security, 2021, p. 26).

Overall, the priority areas of the Finnish NAP touch on a wide range of themes, including the humanitarian-development-peace “triple” nexus. Finland has committed to integrating a YPS perspective into development cooperation, humanitarian work, and peacebuilding. As an important donor to the humanitarian and peacebuilding communities, Finland could increase investment in youth-led initiatives. Additionally, Finland has committed to raising awareness of young human rights defenders’, peacebuilders’, and activists’ work, rights, and need for protection.

Within the context of this new digital era, it is fitting that the NAP also emphasizes social media as both a tool and a threat to peace and security. Finland outlines commitments to prevent the spread of misinformation and fake news by promoting media literacy and peace education. Furthermore, it recognizes the impact of mental health on young people and describes it as a barrier to participation and protection, while viewing it as a prevention issue.

The Finnish NAP is ground-breaking and innovative when it comes to priorities for Youth, Peace and Security implementation. There is no doubt that Finland has demonstrated significant leadership with the development and adoption of this policy – in partnership and cooperation with civil society and young people. Several questions remain in terms of implementation and monitoring, especially with the lack of a specific, dedicated budget attached to this NAP. However, with genuine commitment and continued leadership, Finnish young people and youth across the world will surely benefit from this innovative policy approach.

GNWP wishes to congratulate Finland on the collaborative process which led to the adoption of this first NAP on YPS. GNWP is enthusiastic and optimistic about its impact, and we look forward to collaborating for a localized implementation.

[1] Katrina Leclerc is the Youth, Peace and Security Policy Specialist and the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders. She manages GNWP’s global YPS policy work and Young Women Leaders for Peace programs in Eastern Africa.

GNWP continues its boycott of Facebook because #FacebookPromotesViolence

In September 2020, the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP) began boycotting Facebook to protest their role in threatening peace and democracy on and offline. 

Today, on this International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, over a year later, GNWP continues the #FacebookPromotesViolence campaign in light of indisputable evidence that the platform knowingly harms those most vulnerable and marginalized. Facebook fosters harmful misinformation, polarization, and hate speech around the world. Despite Facebook’s aim to “give people the power to build community and bring the world closer together,” their algorithms and policies disproportionately affect marginalized groups, such as women, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, asexual (LGBTQIA+) people, and other minority groups. 

A trove of internal Facebook—now Meta—documents revealed that Instagram knowingly damaged teen mental health, failed to remove hate speech before the January 6th insurrection in the United States as well as during tensions in Northern India, and CEO Mark Zuckerberg has repeatedly presented misinformation regarding the company’s safety performance. Facebook prioritizes profit over safety, which is antithetical to GNWP’s core mission: elevate the power of women and amplify their voices to build sustainable and inclusive peace. Therefore, GNWP will continue to boycott Facebook and join efforts to hold them accountable for their contributions to violence in the digital space which promotes violence in real life.

“I feel fortunate and proud of my education!” In conversation with a Rohingya Young Women Leader

Written by Anniesa Hussain, Peacebuilding Programs Intern for Asia

Edited by Mallika Iyer, Asia Programs Coordinator and Humanitarian Action Specialist

The Rohingya have been stateless Muslim minority group who reside in Myanmar’. There are around 1 million Rohingyas among Myanmar’s total population  of 52 million. They are recognized by the United Nations as among the most persecuted ethno-religious groups in the world. The Myanmar government have denied the Rohingya people fundamental freedoms for decades – most notably citizenship through the 1982 Citizenship Law. The Citizenship Law rendered the Rohingya community stateless based on their race and religion. As evidenced by the ongoing International Court of Justice investigation, the Rohingya people have endured a genocidal campaign perpetrated by the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) in the Rakhine State, where the vast majority of the community live. On 25 August, 2017, the storming and burning of Rohingya villages by the Tatmadaw resulted in 1.3 million Rohingya people from Rakhine State in desperate need of humanitarian assistance. At least 6,700 Rohingya were killed – around 730 of which were children. Women were targeted and raped. Today, the Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar are the largest in the world.

Among the thousands of refugees living in Cox’s Bazar is a young Rohingya woman called Lucky. Lucky’s story is one of survival. She is an outspoken young women’s rights activist who fled with her family in August 2017 and is one of the few refugee women able to pursue an undergraduate degree remotely at a local university. In the refugee camps she advocates for gender-responsive humanitarian action, which empowers Rohingya women, young women and girls, and helps meet their urgent and intersecting needs.

Lucky has participated in advocacy led by the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP) to promote synergies between implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda and humanitarian action frameworks, including Bangladesh’s National Action Plan (NAP) on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325). Since 2018, GNWP have worked in Cox’s Bazar to elevate Rohingya and Bangladeshi women and young women peacebuilders as decision-makers in humanitarian action; build local women’s and communities’ resilience to threats and violence; and advocate for gender-responsive and conflict-sensitive humanitarian action and crisis recovery.

Through a series of capacity building training, GNWP, in partnership with Jago Nari Unnayon Sangsta (JNUS), strengthened the literacy, peacebuilding, social media, theater and leadership skills of young Bangladeshi women leaders from Ramu and Ukhiya upazilas. The training established a network of Young Women Leaders (YWL) from the host communities in Cox’s Bazar to advocate for gender equality. The young women leaders have led initiatives aimed at improving the gender-responsiveness and conflict-sensitivity of humanitarian action in Cox’s Bazar. They were able to identify literacy as a barrier to empowerment and responded by conducting gender-sensitive literacy and numeracy classes for 180 Rohingya refugee and host community women and girls. These classes have empowered attendees to be able to sign their names on legal documents, read critical signage within the refugee camps, and access life-saving information.

GNWP conducted a virtual interview with Lucky on September 15, 2021.

GNWP: How do you build peace and promote gender equality in the refugee camps?

In the camps, Rohingya women, young women, and girls face many forms of violence, discrimination, and marginalization. I am one of the few Rohingya refugee young women able to access higher education and so  I decided to put my education to good use by advocating for women’s rights and gender equality within my community. I have led training for women, young women, and girls in my camp on women’s rights, sexual health, preventing child marriage, and leadership. I explain that women have the right to study – even after marriage. I connect with women in my community through one to one calls or in person and help them understand how important education is for our empowerment.

GNWP: What achievement related to your activism are you most proud of?

I am proud that I am able to study at a local university – which most other Rohingya girls cannot do. I am also grateful for freedom and family support. My mother supports me physically, mentally, and financially and my father allows me to fly as much as I can. Their support has enabled me to advocate for the rights of Rohingya women and girls to global policymakers. I am fighting for education and training opportunities for all Rohingya girls.

GNWP: What challenges do you face? How has the COVID-19 pandemic impacted your activism?

The pandemic has greatly impacted the rights and safety of Rohingya women, young women, and girls. I am struggling to participate in university’s classes, important advocacy meetings, or capacity building trainings. There are no in-person meetings, so I must do everything online. It is very difficult to connect to the internet in the refugee camps – even with a cell phone, I do not have service. With all of the mobility restrictions door to door advocacy has also become difficult. In the refugee camps, we are not allowed to hold any in-person meetings, while host community members are able to move around freely. Some people get angry at me and say, “why are you trying to convince us to get an education?”

But the worst impact of the pandemic is on our safety and security. After 6:30PM, the refugee camps are run by violent extremist groups. It is very dangerous for women and girls to move around. People try to intimidate me and other girls from studying. But I tell them that I deserve to study – just like anyone else. I’m not tarnishing my reputation or my family’s dignity by educating myself.

GNWP: What are some of the main challenges that Rohingya women, young women, and girls experience in the refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar?

Gender inequality is the biggest challenge Rohingya women, young women, and girls experience in the refugee camps. We are scared to use the washroom and toilet at night. Six families have to share one washroom. There is no privacy. We do not know the families we are sharing the washroom with. We just live together in the same block. If I knock on the door to use the toilet, I don’t know who is inside. We are ashamed to share the toilet due to our cultural beliefs. There is a risk that people will  think negatively of me if I’m seen going into a toilet with a boy. If this situation becomes public, the community will not like it and say, “she has done something wrong with boys’”. Nobody will marry me.

Many women also suffer from domestic violence or sexual harassment. When a man gets married again he must divide the limited amount of food he has between two families. My mother is married and has a husband. But if my father wants another wife, my mother does not have the right to ask him why he is getting married to a second or third wife. She cannot complain, or else she could be subjected to beating or divorce – this is difficult for women to manage. Men also control our mobility. If I want to go out somewhere in the camps, I have to ask permission from my parents. They will ask me, “Where are you going today? Why don’t you have any class today?” They will investigate and follow me. They could block my right to mobility and keep me at home.

There is very limited awareness of contraception and family planning too. Many boys are unaware of the consequences without it. So, when a girl is pregnant, her family will blame her. Her community will shun her and no one will marry her.

GNWP: Are Rohingya women, young women, and girls needs being adequately addressed by humanitarian actors?

As far as I know, humanitarian actors are providing food and other relief goods for Rohingya refugees. There are even ongoing literacy and numeracy education classes. But it is not enough for the entire Rohingya population. In addition educational opportunities are largely ineffective. For example, teachers are not teaching girls how to write in Burmese or English or do math. They are just playing with the students to make them happy and forget their trauma from Myanmar, so the girls are not learning anything. Older women barely have access to education – especially at higher levels.

We also do not have access to doctors who know our language or respect us. Therefore it’s difficult to receive support for our sexual health and reproductive rights.  If you are suffering from a menstruation or pregnancy related problem and you seek medical advice from a nurse or volunteer, they are not equipped to provide you with relevant medication. The current conditions make Rohingya women despondent and unwilling to seek help from the hospitals. Our sexual health and reproductive rights should not be de-prioritized by humanitarian actors in the refugee camps – especially during the COVID-19 pandemic.

GNWP: What recommendations do you have for the Bangladeshi government to improve conditions for Rohingya women, young women, and girls in the refugee camps?

My request to the government of Bangladesh is to push for quality education for Rohingya women and girls in the camps. I know that by educating the women, young women, and girls in the refugee camps, we will be able to shape the world and demand accountability for the protection, preservation, and promotion of our rights.

GNWP: What recommendations do you have for international policymakers to improve conditions for Rohingya women, young women, and girls in the refugee camps?

We need opportunities to advocate for our rights. We need to be able to represent ourselves – instead of having others represent us in important meetings with policymakers. We need to be able to influence decision-making on humanitarian interventions that affect our lives. I urge humanitarian actors to organize regular meetings with us and establish a system for us to provide feedback and share our priorities. For example, we could develop monthly information reports.

I am not only speaking for myself, but for all Rohingya women and girls facing similar issues. They can’t speak for themselves because they lack the opportunities or are forced into marriage. We need opportunities to hear from all Rohingya women and girls. Otherwise, our basic needs will not be met in the refugee camps.

“We are building our own history”: Thinzar Shunlei Yi talks to GNWP about the future of Myanmar amidst a military coup

Written by Anniesa Hussain, Peacebuilding Programs Intern for Asia

Edited by Mallika Iyer, Asia Programs Coordinator and Humanitarian Action Specialist

On February 1, 2021, the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) usurped the National League for Democracy, detained civilian government officials and civil society leaders- declaring a state of emergency on the grounds of alleged election fraud during the national elections in November 2020. The military coup led to an immediate increase in military-sponsored violence and unlawful detentions by the Junta. Thousands of protestors, from all walks of Myanmar society, peacefully took to the streets in a historic uprising against the military coup. These protestors have continued to brave reprisals and targeted attacks throughout 2021, despite over 900 protesters and bystanders, including around 75 children, having been murdered at the hands of the military Junta.

It is estimated that 60% of Myanmar’s protestors are women – with around 50% of women making up all protest-related deaths. Women protestors, particularly from historically marginalized ethnic minorities, have been met with an assortment of state-sponsored abuses from fatal shootings, physical and sexual assaults to denial of food, medical care, and legal representation. Accountability for targeted killings and attacks have been limited, resulting in widespread impunity for perpetrators. In addition, a lack of reporting of these atrocities over recent months by the global media has also increased the military’s impunity.

The desperate situation for women in Myanmar has propelled many women to seek asylum in Thailand and India. It is estimated that at least 50,000 asylum seekers from Myanmar are living in makeshift settlements on Thailand’s western border, facing arrest or forced repatriation by Thai authorities. 

As a show of defiance against the treatment of women, protestors have been adopting creative means of challenging patriarchal norms. For example, in the face of military misogyny women hung their Sarongs (undergarments) and sanitary pads drenched in red paint over photos of military generals – at once a symbol of women’s power and to mock and shame the military forces.

Thinzar Shunlei Yi, a youth activist from Yangon, is a shining example of resilience in the pursuit of freedom and democracy. From 2012 to 2016 she co-organized and led nationwide and regional youth forums in Myanmar. She was the first woman coordinator of the National Youth Congress (NYC), contributed to the National Youth Policy Strategic Plan and works with the Asian Youth Peace Network. Thinzar Shunlei Yi also works with the Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD) as an Advocacy Coordinator. In 2020, Thinzar Shunlei Yi joined the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders’ (GNWP) Young Women Leaders for Peace Myanmar network, coordinated by the Yangon Youth Network. Launched with support from Global Affairs Canada, the YWL network advocates for the effective implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS)  and Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) agendas, along with the protection of the human rights of ethnic minorities, in Myanmar.

In response to the military coup in February 2021, Thinzar Shunlei Yi co-created the #Sisters2Sisters solidarity movement. The movement aims to raise awareness and demand accountability for the Myanmar military’s systematic sexual abuse and oppression of women activists and protestors. Her story is one of courage and perseverance against all odds. She continues to stand by her commitment to fight for a free, fair, and democratic Myanmar.

GNWP held a virtual interview with Thinzar Shunlei Yi on September 15, 2021.

GNWP: It’s been eight months since the military coup in Myanmar. How has the civil disobedience movement progressed? What are some of the challenges the movement is facing?

It’s been over eight months, and the military is refusing to reverse the coup. Instead the military has escalated violence and increased violations of our civil liberties and human rights. Threats to our freedom and ongoing violence are the main challenges to the ongoing civil disobedience movement. Our movement is not just a resistance to the coup, it’s a cultural and ideological revolution. We’re losing friends every day. It’s challenging to keep going. To build a new nation, we have to transform our thinking and the way we do things.

GNWP: It’s been said that women make up 60% of the protestors in the civil disobedience movement. How have women been advocating for gender equality, democracy, and human rights as part of the movement?

We talk about the underlying patriarchy in society and in the Myanmar’s military. The women in Myanmar know what it’s like to be oppressed by men – at home and in public life. This gives us dedication to fight back against the Myanmar military. Our women-led Sarong movement was remarkable. In Myanmar Sarongs hold superstitions, many men believe that touching these garments can take away their power. So, on International Women’s Day, we raised our sarongs. We had support from young men, who act as gender equality allies.

Women, who consist of almost 60% of the whole movement, play many roles including leaders and decision makers. Despite the role we play in civil society, women are not yet in decision-making positions in the government or revolutionary strike committees. We have to demand our rights and space and reclaim our power. It’s tiring for us. There are many different barriers for women in Myanmar to meaningfully participate in political decision-making.  For young women, things are even worse. We are manipulated and exploited by the military Junta.

We need more visibility of the contributions of women and young women in protecting human rights, promoting gender equality, and building sustainable peace in Myanmar. I organized the #Sisters2Sisters movement to build solidarity amongst women’s civil society across the world. This solidarity goes beyond borders, race, sex, and gender. Solidarity is a basic principle of the women’s revolution inside Myanmar. That’s what we try to communicate.

GNWP: We’ve heard about rising levels of sexual violence amongst female detainees. What kinds of risks have women activists been facing?

Women activists are facing threats from their families and the Myanmar military. We are told by parents that protesting out in the streets is not what we’re supposed to do. We are told: “don’t do it, don’t go out!”. This is our first challenge. When we manage to overcome our family’s opposition, we risk being killed by the military and targeted by snipers. Peaceful protests can become flash strikes where we go out onto the streets and immediately disappear. We can be arbitrarily arrested by the military forces. When they arrest young women they take us to the investigation center where they check our mobile devices for personal images or incriminating content that can be used to ruin our reputations and undermine our authority within civil society. Through instilling fear and spreading false information about women the military Junta intend to inhibit the civil disobedience movement.

Since the military coup, many young people have become activists. Leaders of the civil disobedience movement need support, resources, training, and opportunities to amplify their messages to regional and global policymakers. Their voices need to be heard. So, organizations such as yours can amplify voices on the ground, especially those of young women from the ethnic and religious minorities. Their contributions to peacebuilding need to be documented and visible.

GNWP: How has the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar worsened through the military coup and COVID-19? We know that many people have fled to Thailand and India. What kind of support have people received in India and Thailand from humanitarian actors?

The spread of COVID-19 has increased amongst displaced populations fleeing armed conflict between the Myanmar Military and Ethnic Armed Organizations in Kayah State and the eastern Bago region. People, particularly ethnic minorities, in conflict-affected border areas were already facing starvation and a humanitarian crisis existed before the coup.  But, since February, things have deteriorated due to the increasing frequency of air strikes. The number of COVID-19 cases is growing, but medical support (especially oxygen tanks) remains severely limited. To make matters worse, the military is preventing relief goods and humanitarian aid from being delivered to these communities. More and more people are dying from extreme poverty and starvation.

Efforts to address the urgent humanitarian crisis by civil society, INGOs, and UN entities have been severely inhibited by disruptions to banking, martial law, ongoing internet shutdown, and the lack of humanitarian access to vulnerable populations in conflict affected communities. India and Thailand have accepted refugees from Myanmar temporarily, but neither country is a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention. So, the help that asylum seekers receive is limited.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Thai government has imposed stricter regulations and limitations on asylum seekers. The Thai government have been arresting and deporting asylum seekers from Myanmar. In addition, global policymakers are not pressuring the Indian and Thai governments enough to protect and support asylum seekers facing grave threats from the Tatmadaw.

GNWP: How has access to healthcare, education, and the right to work been impacted by COVID and the military coup, particularly for women and ethnic minorities?

The World Health Organization (WHO) has documented almost 500,000 COVID-19 cases in Myanmar. Only six per cent of the population is fully vaccinated against COVID-19. In response, healthcare workers are protesting against the military coup as a part of the civil disobedience movement, but many have been arrested. As a result, the national healthcare system has been shattered, resulting in thousands of people in search of oxygen cylinders and crematoriums overflowing with bodies. The escalation of politically motivated arrests since the 1 February 2021 military coup has coincided with a surge in infections in the country’s overcrowded and unsanitary prisons.

At the frontlines of the civil disobedience movement and due to the COVID-19 pandemic women, young women, and girls in Myanmar are experiencing some of the highest levels of insecurity in recent history. Women are facing arbitrary arrest, sexual violence and harassment as well as being confronted with poverty, unemployment, restrictions to sexual health and reproductive services and education. Many women are forced to work in inhumane conditions in factories – with no other choice to bring food back to their desperate families. Sometimes, they have to work overtime without receiving compensation. Intimate partner violence has also increase, yet women have nowhere to report cases. They can no longer go to the military because they are too busy arresting protestors.

GNWP: How has the National Unity Government engaged youth, women’s rights groups, and ethnic minorities? Are you optimistic about the development of the Federal Democracy Charter?

Engagement with youth, women’s rights groups, and ethnic minorities has improved in comparison to the last ten years. In the previous decade, we thought we were building democratic institutions – but it was all an illusion.  In the wake of the recent coup, people are feeling more hopeful. There are no boundaries anymore. We can create the nation we want to live in. We’re shaping our own future right now. Myanmar’s youth is very determined to work with the National Unity Government. We are holding them accountable to principles of human rights, democracy, and gender equality. The National Unity Government and the Federal Democracy Charter are just a small part of the movement, but they are not the center. Young people are the heartbeat of the movement! We are eight months into our movement – this is just the beginning.

GNWP: What are your recommendations for the UN Security Council and the international policymaking community?

We’ve been urging the UN Security Council to refer Myanmar’s situation to the International Criminal Court, and to ensure accountability for state-sponsored violence and genocide. But nothing has been done. We are no longer depending on or waiting for the United Nations to act. Whether the UN recognizes the National Unity Government or not, the military Junta will always be criminal in our eyes.

Hope for Change – Reflections on the Paris Generation Equality Forum 2021

21 September 2021

by Panthea Pourmalek[1]

Every time a fellow advocate, grassroots organizer, peacebuilder, mentor, or elder shares with me that they were present in Beijing in 1995, or the adaptation of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, I cannot help but feel immense awe and astonishment.

This International Peace Day, I am reflecting. It’s been over two months since I attended the Generation Equality Forum (GEF) as a youth participant and speaker, and I’m still thrilled to think about it. It was an exciting and empowering experience! After the end of the Forum, I am left wondering if, in a handful of years, I too will be able to proudly share that I was present for a powerful turning point that forever changed progress on gender equality. 

The COVID-19 pandemic has led to unprecedented regression in women’s rights issues and gender equality across the globe, creating alongside it a ‘shadow pandemic’ of gender-based violence. The Paris Generation Equality Forum took place during this crucial moment, bringing together gender advocates and peacebuilders, civil society, policymakers, academics, international organizations, and the private sector to reinvigorate action on gender equality by 2026. As a young woman participating in the Forum, I am filled with hope for a just, resilient, and gender-equal recovery and a re-affirmed belief that I – among all others – play a crucial and indispensable role within it. 

The Forum was partly born out of frustration with the slow and stagnant pace of progress in gender equality despite numerous international policies. Therefore, the Forum created an environment for intergenerational and multi-stakeholder collaborations toward more ambitious and concrete commitments to gender equality. The Paris Generation Equality Forum took place from 30 June to 2 July 2021 as a follow-up to the Generation Equality Forum in Mexico held in March of this year. The Mexico Forum served as a launching point for six thematic ‘Action Coalitions’ that form a Global Acceleration Plan for Gender Equality. These Action Coalitions include:

  1. Gender-Based Violence
  2. Economic Justice and Rights
  3. Bodily Autonomy and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights
  4. Feminist Action for Climate Justice
  5. Technology and Innovation for Gender Equality
  6. Feminist Movements and Leadership

The Paris Forum encouraged all stakeholders to announce their commitments and actions within this framework. As a symbol of ambitious, collective, and collaborative effort, the Paris Forum concluded with an announcement of over US$40 billion in investments in accelerating global progress on gender equality over the next five years, including:

  • A $2.1 billion commitment from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation to advance women’s leadership, reproductive health and economic empowerment;
  • An investment of $1 billion into supporting programs to end gender-based violence by the United States Government; 
  • The expansion of the Global Alliance for Care to include over 39 countries and the commitment of $100 million toward addressing inequalities in the global care economy by the Government of Canada;
  • A commitment from the Malala Fund to provide $20 million in feminist funding for activists working on girls’ education.

The WPS-HA Compact

As a young peacebuilder, I spent my three days at the Forum attending events related to Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) and Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS). I was especially interested in events that provided a platform to young women and girls active at the grassroots level. For me, the biggest highlight of the Paris Forum was witnessing the launch of the Women, Peace, and Security – Humanitarian Action (WPS-HA) Compact.

The Compact seeks to drive a global inter-generational movement to carry out existing WPS and Humanitarian Action commitments. All stakeholders, from Member States to women-led organizations and beyond, can join as signatories to the Compact and contribute to concrete and coordinated action in the field. 

Unlike the Action Coalitions, the Compact was not an original component of the Generation Equality platform. However, due to the advocacy of over 150 organizations worldwide, WPS and YPS were integrated into the Forum in the form of the Compact. I am proud to say that the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP) leads the global advocacy for the creation of the Compact.  Mavic Cabrera-Balleza, the CEO and founder of GNWP, reminded us of the core and origin of the Compact at its GEF launch event

“The Compact on WPS-HA is a result of civil society advocacy. Like the ground-breaking UN resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security that was advocated for and co-drafted by civil society, we also co-drafted the Compact framework. At the core of the Compact are the voices of women and young women who live through violent conflict and humanitarian emergencies every single day. Many of them cannot be in Paris, or in front of a computer or mobile phone to join us today… The lack of recognition, support, and enabling conditions for local women and young women to take their rightful seat in all places where decisions on peace and security, humanitarian action, gender equality, and politics are made – this is why GNWP and hundreds of civil society groups fought for the intentional integration of WPS, YPS, and Humanitarian Action in the Generation Equality Forum.”

I genuinely believe that women and youth peacebuilders should not be regarded as passive observers in high-level decision-making. The creation of the Compact serves as a shining example of our innate agency and ability to assert our place within important conversations.

Youth in Action

Another highlight of the Paris Forum was the inclusion of a diverse range of young voices. 101 youth-led organizations created commitments across the Action Coalitions, and youth voices from across the world spoke in various events.

I had the opportunity to speak with Wevyn Muganda, the Cora Weiss Peacebuilding Fellow at GNWP, about her experience speaking at the GEF side event titled “Understanding the Triple Nexus through a Gender Lens”. Organized by GNWP, Austrian Development Cooperation, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and CARE Austria, this dialogue between women and youth activists, humanitarian and peacebuilding organizations, and development partners emphasized women’s leadership, expertise and innovation in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. This response to COVID-19 is an example of integrating gender in the humanitarian, development and peace triple nexus.

For Wevyn, the commonalities between her work in Kenya and her fellow panelists’ work in Palestine uncovered the solidarity across movements despite geographic distance and cultural differences. Wevyn left the GEF feeling that the Forum has made a significant contribution to progress in gender equality, primarily through providing a non-tokenistic platform for grassroots voices. She shared the importance of this approach by explaining:

“The Forum has provided a chance for grassroots voices like mine to be heard– because our experiences are valid. When you look at it, all the six Action Coalitions and the Compact, all these documents, and all these nice laws and policies – when we wake up every day, we don’t think about them. We think, ‘Do we have food to eat today?’ ‘Are we safe?’ ‘Can I go out and walk safely as a young woman?’. Including grassroots voices like mine validates the aim of it all: it doesn’t matter how beautifully we put gender equality or how beautifully we describe the Generation Equality Forum. It has to match our reality. And that’s the only way it’s going to be sustainable.”

I echo Wevyn’s sentiments on grassroots youth participation wholeheartedly. I had the chance to organize and moderate a youth-led side event of my own, where several Indigenous and racialized young women spoke on their experiences with activism within spaces such as the Forum. I hope that other young women and girl activists and peacebuilders who had the chance to attend our side events left the forum with a renewed sense of agency and assurance that they belong in such spaces. 

After the first segment of the Generation Equality Forum, we cannot help but wonder – what’s next? This question, however, seems to carry a different weight from previous events. In a way, the GEF was the answer to that very question, posed after conferences and gatherings that ended with bold statements, words, and written agreements, but failed to deliver action and change. Through the Forum, all actors active in the arena of gender equality have committed to concrete actions and accountability. It is up to us to seize the next five years to harness the tools this collective process has produced, and create meaningful and lasting change. 

For me, words shared by Shantel Marakera, founder of the Little Dreamers Foundation, at the very start of the Forum encapsulate the perfect vision of this change: 

“Right now what we need is transformative change. Change that is visible to everyone – not just those in this room or those participating in the Forum virtually, but those who have no idea about the GEF. We want women, and girls, and gender-diverse individuals from every part of the world to notice this sudden shift in the air, and start questioning ‘Wait, why is there a noticeable shift in racial justice, in economic justice, in education?’ And then, we’ll be there, standing proud, and we’ll be saying ‘WE did that!’. That intergenerational, multi-stakeholder process did that! It is our process.”

[1] Panthea Pourmalek is a Research and Advocacy Intern at the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders. She supported GNWP’s work on the establishment of the WPS-HA Compact and coordinated advocacy efforts around the Paris Generation Equality Forum.