Month: December 2020

Month: December 2020

Launching the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao’s Regional Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security: In Search of Intersectionality and Localization

December 16, 2020 by Queenie Pearl V. Tomaro and Mallika Iyer

In 2014, the government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed a peace agreement to bring 40 years of armed conflict to an end and establish the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). The peace agreement made history as the first in the world to have been signed by a woman chief negotiator, Miriam Coronel Ferrer. The recent adoption of a Regional Action Plan (RAP) on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) for the BARMM is yet another step towards achieving sustainable peace and gender equality in a region heavily impacted by armed conflict, violent extremism, rido (clan warfare), and natural disasters. The RAP is a tremendous success, not just for the Bangsamoro Transition Government but for the women and girls of the BARMM.

In a region considered to be a hotbed for armed conflict and violent extremism conducive to terrorism with a significant number of internally displaced persons, it is of utmost importance that women, young women, and girls, who are often disproportionately impacted, are protected. Equally important is the recognition that women and young peoples’ needs and experiences are unique as the impacts of recurring armed conflict are varied across age and gender differentiation. In order to ensure that conflict resolution strategies respond to their needs, women must meaningfully participate in decision-making at all levels on peace and security.

These recognized realities underscore the importance of the BARMM’s RAP on WPS, which is primarily crafted to ensure that “women and young people’s needs during emergencies are taken into consideration”. Mirroring the Philippine government’s National Action Plan on UN Security Council Resolution 1325, the four pillars of the RAP are as follows: Protection and Prevention, Empowerment and Participation, Promotion and Mainstreaming, and lastly, Monitoring and Evaluation.

The RAP calls for an investment in women’s rights and sustainable, inclusive peacebuilding in partnership with women’s civil society and gender equality allies across the region. In line with the gender-sensitive provisions of the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL), the RAP commits to increase women’s meaningful participation in the transition to the BARMM and the implementation of the peace agreement. It also commits to mainstream WPS commitments into the Bangsamoro Development Plan.

Grassroots women peacebuilders are expected to lead and be included in local Peace and Order Councils in conflict-affected communities. It is now time to translate these commitments into action, and employing an intersectional lens is crucial. In particular, the RAP draws attention to the intersectionality between WPS and humanitarian action, a nexus that is garnering growing attention amongst the global policymaking community following the recommendations of the Grand Bargain. The RAP includes specific provisions on ensuring gender-sensitive humanitarian emergency response for displaced women and girls and direct humanitarian aid to local women’s rights organizations. With a little under 15,000 people displaced due to the armed conflict, these provisions could not be more in line with the urgent, intersecting needs of women, young women, and girls in the region.

To avoid the pitfalls of the first RAP of the now-defunct Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) adopted in 2017, the BARMM’s RAP emphasizes the need for localization. Localizing the RAP will entail integrating its provisions into Municipal Gender and Development (GAD) Codes and developing Provincial Action Plans (or Local Action Plans as they are more commonly known). To truly bridge commitments, priorities, and resources into efforts to build peace and promote gender equality in communities affected by conflict, the RAP must be localized and owned by key stakeholders. Unless reflected in local action plans and GAD codes, the RAP will simply become a check-the-box exercise.

For effective localization, the RAP outlines provisions to “ensure and sustain awareness, understanding, and appreciation of duty-bearers on WPS”. Specifically, the RAP commits to capacitate local actors by providing awareness-raising training on WPS and gender-responsive budgeting in communities. This is vital to cultivate ownership and support for the effective implementation of the WPS resolutions amongst key stakeholders including BARMM agencies, its local governments, traditional, and religious structures (with due consideration to varying rigidity of gender norms across the region). For example, the RAP requires the orientation of traditional local mechanisms such as the Sultanates and Council of Elders on WPS and women’s rights. A lack of understanding of the gendered impacts of armed conflict will perpetuate structural gender inequalities and women’s exclusion from political decision-making.

Without adequate, dedicated, reliable, and sustainable funding, an effective, fully implemented, and localized RAP is unlikely. As highlighted by a study conducted by Inclusive Security, the potential challenges for localization  are the  lack of capacity, knowledge, and financial resources. Hence, gender-responsive budgeting for the RAP and corresponding Provincial Action Plans is crucial. It remains to be seen how budgets for GAD Codes will be utilized to implement provisions of the RAP.

While the RAP makes strides in addressing key challenges to gender equality and sustainable peace in the BARMM, it fails to refer to disarmament and non-proliferation. This omission follows a similar trend of 70% NAPs on UNSCR 1325 across the world which lack language on disarmament. As an agenda for the prevention of conflict, the Women, Peace, and Security resolutions cannot be implemented in isolation to UNSCR 2117 on Small Arms and Light Weapons. These two resolutions are interlinked over their concern with the gendered impacts of violence caused by small arms. However, policy forums on disarmament remain to be men-dominated, with only 30% participation of women. In the Philippines, women must meaningfully participate in disarmament, decommissioning, demobilization, and reintegration processes. The specific needs of former women combatants must also be prioritized. Disarmament is an important element of sustainable peace. Since peace is only sustainable if women are involved, disarmament and WPS should not be viewed in separate lenses. Hence, effective implementation of the RAP will require the recognition of women as equal partners in a gender-responsive disarmament processes.

Regarding missing elements in the RAP, is the important acknowledgement that climate change and armed conflict are closely interlinked. The Philippines is prone to natural disasters, including floods and typhoons, which exacerbate armed conflict, forced displacement, and insecurity for women and girls. Climate change has gendered impacts which cannot be analyzed in isolation from women’s experiences in conflict. The intersections of climate change and armed conflict result in compounding, multi-dimensional challenges for the achievement of gender equality and sustainable peace. By employing an intersectional approach to implementation of the RAP, the BARMM will be able to better respond to the needs of women, young women, and girls in the region.

In conclusion, it is important to reflect on the question: “For whom is the RAP on WPS?”. If it truly is for the women, young women, and girls in the BARMM, then they must lead implementation of the RAP in partnership with the government, traditional and religious leaders, and gender equality allies. Localization efforts must be taken seriously, resulting in corresponding Provincial Action Plans as well as greater awareness and ownership amongst key stakeholders. Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration processes, which are vital to sustainable peace in the BARMM, must meaningfully engage women and respond to their specific needs. Additionally, the gendered impacts of climate change as they intersect with and fuel armed conflict should be adequately addressed. Employing an intersectional, localized approach to implementation of the RAP will lead to more comprehensive efforts to improve all aspects of women, young women, and girls’ lives in conflict affected communities in the BARMM.

Preserving Peace in the Pandemic: Young Women Leaders and Gender Equality Allies Mobilize in the Philippines

December 14, 2020 by Mallika Iyer and Heela Yoon

“We want peace! We’re ready to work for it!” – declared members of the Young Women Leaders for Peace (YWL) in the Philippines during an online capacity-building training organized by the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP), with support from Channel Foundation in August 2020. YWL in the Philippines is a network of young women, lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, intersex, and asexual (LGBTQIA+) youth, and gender equality allies. Since its establishment in February 2018, the network has mobilized to build and sustain peace in the Philippines, and prevent further outbreaks of conflict in their communities. The virtual training was organized to support their work towards sustainable and inclusive peace, by enhancing their knowledge and capacities on the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda, the Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS) agenda, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPFA). Between August 26-28, the youth leaders analyzed challenges and opportunities to accelerate the implementation of the WPS and YPS resolutions in the Philippines.

YWL members believe that the implementation of these resolutions is necessary to ensure that the hard-won peace is not lost. On March 27th, 2014, people across the country rejoiced as the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front signed a historic peace agreement, which brought 40 years of armed conflict to an end. The Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro is celebrated internationally for its gender-sensitive provisions and inclusive drafting process spearheaded by the world’s first woman chief negotiator. One of the key provisions of the peace agreement was the establishment of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). Six years after the signing of the agreement, the region is gradually transitioning from rebellion to governance. The provisions of the peace agreement were enshrined into the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) and ratified in February 2019 through plebiscites, which institutionalized the establishment of the BARMM. Additionally, the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) approved a transition plan and passed codes creating Bangsamoro Commissions on Youth, Women, and Human Rights. The parliament, for which an administrative code is being deliberated, is scheduled to begin regular sessions in 2022. To ensure a peaceful transition to the BARMM, it is critical to protect these achievements as well as build local ownership and support for the effective implementation of the peace agreement.

Unfortunately, the COVID-19 pandemic has caused significant delays in the development of government structures and processes, including the electoral code for the region, which is crucial for the effective implementation of the peace agreement. While Members of Parliament struggled to meet over Zoom, violent extremist groups wasted no time in sowing insecurity. In April, a clash between the Abu Sayaff Group, a well-known violent extremist group that operates in the BARMM, and the Armed Forces of the Patikul, Sulu resulted in the death of 11 soldiers. Shortly after, two soldiers were reportedly killed in an attack by the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) at a COVID-19 lockdown checkpoint. Violence perpetrated by extremist groups and clan feuds jeopardizes the building of peaceful institutions in the BARMM and the implementation of the peace agreement.  

I have heard kids say that they want to join Abu Sayaff when they grow up. We need to counter violent narratives promoted by extremist groups. Instead, we need to build support for peace in the BARMM,” a young woman from Sulu shared. Violent extremist groups have exploited the limited collective understanding of the BOL, and have utilized the resulting misinformation and disinformation to radicalize and recruit in conflict-affected areas. In response, during the virtual training organized by GNWP, the young women leaders and gender equality allies designed community peacebuilding dialogues and social media campaigns, which will raise awareness and build ownership of the BOL, particularly including its gender-responsive provisions. Keynote speakers, Ana Tarhata Basman and Maisara Damdamun-Latiph, who are both Members of Parliament of the BTA, highlighted the critical importance of the participation of young women in political decision-making to ensure a sustainable and inclusive transition to peaceful governance. They highlighted that the BTA currently does not have enough women members to meet the required 30% participation quota stipulated under the BOL. In preparation for the upcoming elections in the BARMM in 2022, YWL members committed to leading advocacy campaigns to encourage and inspire their peers to join political parties and work for the BTA. “We don’t have a lot of time before 2022. We all need to work together to actualize this peaceful transition. There is too much at stake if we fail,” emphasized Ana Tarhata Basman.

As part of the August 2020 training, the YWL members also enhanced their capacities to advocate for a human-rights based peace process between the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army-National Democratic Front (CPP-NPA-NDF) and the Philippine government. The conflict between the CPP-NPA-NDF and the government has devastated rural areas across the country and has resulted in large-scale internal displacement, loss of lives, damage to property, and widespread insecurity. It has also led to the implementation of martial law and multiple grave human rights violations. Unsurprisingly, the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated insecurity experienced by communities as a result of the conflict. Although the warring parties were quick to declare ceasefires in March 2020, the failure to uphold them ultimately worsened prospects of peace negotiations, increased the incidence of violent clashes, and disrupted the delivery of essential relief goods to women and youth peacebuilders on the frontlines of the pandemic.

We need to dispel the perception that peacebuilding and negotiations aren’t going anywhere. Militarized responses to the pandemic and armed conflict shouldn’t be the only action the government takes. We need to spread hope, advocate for change, and meet the immediate needs of vulnerable groups,” Bianca Pabotoy, a young woman from Buhol, stressed. During the online training, the young women leaders and gender equality allies designed initiatives to empower and increase opportunities for internally displaced and indigenous young women in conflict-affected communities to protect their rights and participate in peacebuilding. The YWL members in the Philippines emphasized “Peace isn’t just for Mindanao!” Implementing an inclusive peace will help build a better, more equitable future for all Filipinos. The young peacebuilders are working steadily towards building a national movement for sustainable peace and gender equality.

From strong institutions to inclusive peace: Gendering the conversation about corruption, human rights, and peace and security

December 10, 2020 by Agnieszka Fal-Dutra Santos

“The most important characteristic of a peaceful society is a set of institutions that enable its members to live together in peace. This entails an absence of high levels of corruption and the existence of the rule of law. Strong institutions promote the peaceful co-existence of individuals and groups with differing interests and values and are a necessary condition for human flourishing.”

This is how one of the participants of the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders’ (GNWP) research on local women and civil society’s perspectives on sustaining peace defined a peaceful society. The research reached over 1,600 women and men in 50 countries. When asked what peace means to them, the largest number – 40% of all respondents – indicated good governance and strong institutions. In line with this, corruption – within governments, civil society, and even donor institutions – was listed as one of the persistent challenges to sustainable and inclusive peace. 10% of all respondents believed that corruption is the biggest obstacle to peace. Respondents pointed out that corruption prevents grassroots peacebuilders from accessing funding to support their work, breeds distrust between citizens and their government, fuels economic inequality, and aggravates grievances. All of these factors are also the root causes of conflict and violence.

Corruption is a security concern

The findings of our research have added to the growing literature and policy discussions on the impacts of corruption on peace and security. A 2015 study by the Institute for Economics & Peace revealed that “corruption has a major influence over decreased levels of peace, including violent crime and the homicide rate.” In a similar vein, an analysis by Transparency International showed that “11 of the 20 most corrupt countries have been affected by violent conflict, often lasting many years.” As noted above, corruption aggravates the root causes of conflict. At the same time, armed conflict creates a fertile ground for corruption – as the influx of outside funds in post-conflict countries provides incentives for officials to make corrupt deals for personal gain.

The interlinkages between corruption and peace have also been recognized in global policy discussions. Recognizing the link between corruption and peace and security, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) held a briefing on corruption and conflict in September 2018. The UNSC has also addressed corruption in country-specific discussions and briefings. Misappropriation of financial resources is one of the criteria for sanctions in the cases of Somalia and Libya. Corruption has also been tackled in discussions around the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). While preventing and combatting corruption is not a stand-alone SDG, tackling corruption, bribery, and money laundering, as well as recovering stolen assets, are specific targets under SDG 16 on Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions.

Where are the women? Bringing a gender lens to policy discussions on corruption

Despite the strong linkages between corruption and peace, most research, analysis, and policy discussions on corruption remain gender-blind and leaves the myriad of ways in which corruption affects women and men in conflict-affected situations unexplored. There is evidence that women and men are affected differently by corruption: corruption affects women’s access to literacy education, as well as their access to health, including maternal health, education, and economic opportunities. Still, analyses of the gendered impacts of corruption is not systematic in the literature on the issue, or in the policy discussions and recommendations related to corruption.

To address this gap, the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP), with support from the Directorate of International Law of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs of Switzerland, conducted research which applied a gender lens and conflict lens to the impact of corruption on peace and security, and on human rights. We used in-depth analysis of existing literature, policy documents, and ongoing global policy debates on corruption to map out existing trends and identify some good practices. Additionally, we conducted key informant interviews and focus group discussions in Nepal and Nigeria. Using the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda as a framework, the research highlights the interlinkages between corruption’s impact on human rights, peace, and gender equality, including women’s effective participation. The findings of the research are detailed in a policy brief and two in-depth case studies from Nepal and Nigeria. While not surprising, they serve as a critical wake-up call.

We found that corruption affects the implementation of all four pillars of WPS, and thus is a threat to both human rights, and to sustainable and gender-equal peace:

1. Corruption’s well-documented negative impact on human rights and women’s rights undermines the implementation of the Protection pillar of the WPS agenda. In North-East Nigeria, wide-spread corruption in internally displaced persons’ (IDP) camps has increased the prevalence of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and contributed to impunity for SGBV perpetrated by armed actors. Research respondents noted that corruption facilitates the spread of forced prostitution and human trafficking, as corrupt officials allow influential persons to “take girls outside the camp in the pretext of giving them better education but most often exploiting them either as sex workers or house helps, sometimes trafficking them to other states or communities.” Respondents also noted that there have been cases of police officers demanding payment from SGBV victims before filing their reports.

2. Corruption is a security concern, and a key factor undermining the implementation of the WPS Prevention pillar, as it can trigger conflict and aggravate existing insecurities, particularly for vulnerable groups, including women. The Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW Committee) has noted the link between corruption and women’s personal security. For example, in its Concluding Observations to Ukraine from 2017, the Committee notes that the continued hostility and impunity for violations especially in Eastern Ukraine “along with pervasive corruption, has contributed to an increase in the level of violence against women by State and non-State actors and to the reinforcement of traditional and patriarchal attitudes that limit women’s and girls’ enjoyment of their rights”. However, corruption is also a threat to international peace and security. The UNDP report “Journey to Extremism in Africa” shows that the groups most susceptible to recruitment are characterized by significantly limited confidence in government and a sense of grievance towards the State. The belief that the government only looks after the interests of a few, the level of trust in authorities, and the willingness to report experiences of bribe paying were all key indicators in analyzing the susceptibility of young people to voluntarily joining a violent extremist group.

3. Corruption restricts women’s ability to meaningfully participate in decision-making, thus undermining the WPS agenda’s Participation pillar. A number of countries have noted in their State Party reports to the CEDAW Committee that corruption has an adverse effect on women’s political participation. For example, the 2004 Guatemala State Party report states that “women have no faith in the political process and believe that they have been deceived and exploited by male politicians. The 2009 State Party report of Papua New Guinea and the 2010 State Party report of Kenya also points to corruption as a major barrier to women’s political participation. The Papua New Guinea report notes that the prevalence of corruption increases the cost of running for office, thus making it impossible for women to stand as candidates.

4. Corruption has a documented negative impact on women’s access to justice, which undermines the post-conflict transition to a peaceful society and the implementation of the WPS Relief and Recovery pillar. In Nepal, research respondents noted that the police and judiciary officials are often hostile or disrespectful towards women, and there is a lack of understanding and appropriate guidelines on how violations of women’s human rights, including SGBV, are to be addressed. The lack of effective transparency and accountability mechanisms perpetuates such gender inequalities, as there are no checks and balances that would prevent security and justice officials from bringing their own biases into the system. Respondents also stated that widespread corruption at police and courts prevents speedy case clearance. As one respondent stated, “If there is ‘khuwai piyai’ (term used to indicate bribes provided – in cash or in kind – to obtain favors) then work moves ahead, otherwise it does not.” As a result, it could take up to 5-6 years for a case of SGBV to be considered in court. This effectively prevents women from accessing justice, as they do not have the resources to pay the bribes or to cover the legal fees during such a lengthy period.

Corruption is therefore not only a security concern – it is a WPS concern. Yet, it remains largely absent from discussions on conflict prevention and peace and security, including in the framework of WPS. Our call is clear: conflict-sensitive gender analysis must be a part of all discussions, policies, and actions to curtail corruption. Likewise, the issue of corruption should be acknowledged and discussed in policy fora dedicated to gender equality and sustainable peace – be it within the UN Security Council, the CEDAW Committee, or in national parliaments.

Five Years of Progress: Young Women Reflect on the Achievements of the Youth, Peace & Security Agenda

Happy 5th Anniversary of the UN Security Council Resolution 2250!

Join us by watching: Five Years of Progress: Young Women Reflect on the Achievements of the Youth, Peace and Security Agenda

The 5th anniversary of the Youth, Peace and Security Agenda, following shortly after the 20th anniversary of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda, presents an opportunity for reflection and renewed action in the implementation of the interlinked resolutions. The Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP) hosted a global consultation to create space for young women-led networks and women’s rights organizations to exchange experiences, reflect on their achievements, and identify key opportunities to accelerate the implementation of the WPS and YPS resolutions. Today, on the anniversary of the Youth, Peace and Security agenda, we share with you some of their recommendations and reflections.

GNWP Talks Women, Peace and Security: Podcast on Transforming Systems through Anti-Racism and Women’s Rights Advocacy

The Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP), as a feminist peacebuilding organization working to prevent conflict, sustain peace, and advance justice for all women and girls, continues to call for an end to practices and norms that perpetuate systemic racism in the international peace and security sector. In the wake of the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, GNWP recognizes that racist violence, in all its forms, is a violation of the human rights of historically marginalized communities. 

A crucial aspect of feminist peace activism is to advocate for the elimination of barriers that hinder the meaningful participation of all women, specifically Black, Indigenous and women of color, who experience disproportionate rates of violence across the world. We must continue to “unpack the embeddedness of racial hierarchies within the practices of the WPS agenda”, to ensure that women, in all their diversity, have access to equal opportunities and outcomes. 

Following GNWP’s statement of solidarity with the Black Lives Matter Movement and commitment to fighting against systemic racism in the international peace and security sector, we continue to engage in these important conversations. Our latest podcast episode, featuring Esther Atosha, Young Women Leader for Peace from the Democractic Republic of the Congo (DRC), focuses on the intersections between racism and gender inequality. Esther discusses the multiple discriminations that women peacebuilders face in their work, at the local and global levels and calls for the transformation of systems that perpetuate these inequalities. 

Tune in to hear more about Esther’s recommendations on how systemic barriers must be transformed to advance racial and gender equality. 


GNWP parle Femmes, paix et sécurité : Balado sur la transformation des systèmes grâce à la lutte contre le racisme et la défense des droits des femmes

Le Réseau mondial des femmes artisans de la paix (GNWP), en tant qu’organisation féministe de consolidation de la paix œuvrant pour prévenir les conflits, maintenir la paix et faire progresser la justice pour toutes les femmes et les filles, continue d’appeler à la fin des pratiques et des normes qui perpétuent le racisme systémique dans la paix internationale et le secteur de la sécurité. À la suite des 16 jours d’activisme contre la violence basée sur le genre, GNWP reconnaît que la violence raciste, sous toutes ses formes, est une violation des droits de la personne des communautés historiquement marginalisées.

Un aspect crucial de l’activisme féministe pour la paix est de plaider en faveur de l’élimination des obstacles qui entravent la participation significative de toutes les femmes, en particulier les femmes noires, autochtones et de couleur, qui subissent des taux de violence disproportionnés à travers le monde. Nous devons continuer à « déballer l’enracinement des hiérarchies raciales dans les pratiques de l’agenda FPS », pour garantir que les femmes, dans toute leur diversité, aient accès à l’égalité des chances et des résultats.

À la suite de la déclaration de solidarité de GNWP avec le mouvement Black Lives Matter et de son engagement à lutter contre le racisme systémique dans le secteur de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, nous continuons de participer à ces conversations importantes. Notre dernier épisode de balado, mettant en vedette Esther Atosha, jeune leader pour la paix de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC), se concentre sur les intersections entre le racisme et l’inégalité du genre. Esther discute des multiples discriminations auxquelles sont confrontées les femmes artisanes de la paix dans leur travail, aux niveaux local et mondial, et appelle à la transformation des systèmes qui perpétuent ces inégalités.

Écoutez pour en savoir plus sur les recommandations d’Esther sur la façon dont les barrières systémiques doivent être transformées pour faire progresser l’égalité raciale et basée sur le genre.