June 2020 – GNWP

Transforming Counter-Terrorism: From Securitization to Women-led Peace

June 30, 2020 by Agnieszka Fal Dutra Santos and Mallika Iyer

While “violent extremism” escapes an agreed-upon definition, acts recognized as violent extremist by both the international community and local populations continue to pose a threat to international peace and security. Violent extremism conducive to terrorism transcends national borders as well as cultural, religious, political, and socio-economic categories, with attacks occurring from New Zealand to Sri Lanka, from Afghanistan to the United States, and from France to Mali. Nearly 16,000 people were killed in violent extremist attacks in 2018, and violent extremism has driven millions to flee their homes.

Gendered impacts of violent extremism

There is growing evidence that the impact of violent extremism conducive to terrorism, as well as tactics and strategies of violent extremist groups, are strongly gendered. Across all regions, advance of violent extremist groups has been coupled with attacks on gender equality and women’s rights. As a result, violent extremism contributes to an increased use of the bodies of women and girls as a form of currency in the political economy of war. From August 2014 onwards, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) forced around 6700 Yazidi women and girls into sexual slavery and domestic servitude across eastern Syria and western Iraq. Although a trial is in process between a Yazidi survivor of sexual slavery and a German perpetrator, thousands of women and girls continue to be held in sexual slavery and forced marriages in Mosul. Similarly, in Nigeria, accounts from the 200 girls forcibly abducted by Boko Haram in 2016 provide evidence of sexual slavery and forced marriages to insurgents. It is evident that globally, sexual violence, including sexual slavery, rape, human trafficking, and early, forced, and child marriage, continues to be a tactic of terrorism, integral to recruitment, resourcing, and radicalization strategies. Women and girls are treated as “wages of war”, being gifted as a form of in-kind compensation or payment to fighters, who are then entitled to resell of exploit them as they wish.

However, the gendered nature of violent extremism conducive to terrorism goes beyond the sexual and gender-based violence perpetrated by violent extremist groups. Evidence shows that violent extremist groups have strategically manipulated and exploited gender norms and ideas about masculinity and femininity, to build their support base, justify their actions, and attract new recruits. For example, some groups have used gendered narratives of men’s duty to “save their women” or “revenge their women” as a recruitment tactic. At the same time, violent extremist groups have also used “warped feminism”, emphasizing that they “support and hold dear [their] female force” and creating opportunities for leadership and socio-economic advancement for women.

Gender in preventing violent extremism

Thus, a gender analysis, informed by the perspectives of local women and men, as well as young people, should be at the core of any successful policy or program designed to counter or prevent violent extremism conducive to extremism. However, there have been very limited efforts to meaningfully involve local populations in programs intended to prevent violent extremism. On the other hand, state-sponsored responses to violent extremism have often failed to recognize and adequately address the plurality of roles, experiences, and needs of women and men affected. Securitized, male-dominated, exclusionary counter terrorism measures continue to perpetuate gender stereotypes, which negatively affect women and youth.

The Progress Study on Youth, Peace, and Security highlighted the harmful gendered stereotypes propagated in policy discourse, media, and social norms on violent extremism, which posit young men as radical aggressors, and young women as passive victims without agency. When women’s agency is recognized within the “preventing violent extremism” framework, their roles and contributions are often stereotyped and instrumentalized, and their rights, lives and security put at risk. For example, programs that focus on promoting women’s rights or engaging women solely as a means of preventing or countering violent extremism, run the risk of “agenda hijacking” and distract from the “wider structural realities that produce gender inequality, exclusion and violence.” Moreover, programs that propose to use women’s roles as mothers, wives and sisters to position them as “gate-keepers”, or intelligence gatherers, not only perpetuate traditional gender roles, but may also put women at risk, if not designed in a culture- and conflict-sensitive manner. As a result, the interplay between patriarchal gender norms and violent extremism remains unaddressed.

There is also a documented tendency for strategies to prevent and/or counter violent extremism conducive to terrorism to be used as political tools. This is clear, for example, in the tendency of some strategies and programs’ to over-emphasize the role of religion and ideology in fueling violent extremism, which “conveniently allows the focus to remain on the behavior and propaganda of the violent extremists, and not on socioeconomic or political conditions in a society where the government might bear some responsibility.” Feminist activists have denounced the negative impact of counter terror policies and hardline security measures which undermine efforts to build sustainable peace and promote gender equality. Counter terrorism has also been used as a justification for crackdowns on civil society and women human rights defenders.

Global policy framework on preventing and countering violent extremism

The United Nations Global Counter Terrorism Strategy adopted in 2006 and the United Nation’s Secretary-General’s Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism adopted in 2015, call for a shift from securitized, state-led counter terror policies to sustainable, inclusive strategies to prevent and counter violent extremism (PCVE) conducive to terrorism. Such approaches require in-depth gender analysis, and meaningful participation of women and youth. The Women and Peace and Security (WPS)[i] and Youth and Peace and Security (YPS)[ii] agendas provide an important policy framework for the meaningful inclusion of women and youth in conflict prevention, including PCVE. The United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2242 on WPS emphasized the importance of women’s participation in PCVE, and urged Member States and UN entities to empower women, youth, and religious and cultural leaders to address the conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism and violent extremism. UNSCR 2250 and 2419 on YPS recognized the critical contributions of youth, including young women, in preventing violent extremism, and promoting sustainable peace more broadly.

Nevertheless, countless women, young women, and girls remain excluded from PCVE, and decision-making on peace and security more broadly. Gender-blind PCVE strategies fail to address the exclusion of women and girls from political decision-making, education and economic opportunities, which increases their vulnerability to discrimination, sexual violence, and radicalization.

Effective and gender-responsive PCVE strategies must view prevention of violent extremism as part of a broader effort to build sustainable peace. They should invest in young women’s empowerment, participation, education, and leadership. Moreover, there is a need for more rigorous monitoring of the effectiveness and impacts (both positive and negative) of PCVE, and to learn from the robust and growing body of evidence on PCVE strategies.

As the UN agencies and Member States prepare for the High-Level Conference on Counter Terrorism on“Building Institutional and Social Resilience to Terrorism”,over the coming weeks, GNWP will publish a series of articles that examine the impact of violent extremism and PCVE efforts on women and young women, and the roles that women and young women play in addressing root causes of violence and violent extremism in their communities. We will share the perspectives of members of GNWP’s Young Women Leaders for Peace (YWL) program in the Philippines, who provide an alternative to the State’s securitized Anti-Terrorism measures, by running a peace education campaign with a specific focus on PCVE, gender equality and sustainable peace. We will highlight the achievements of YWL in Indonesia, who challenge the presumption that religious ideologies are at the root of violent extremism, and instead support local businesses to address the economic roots of violence, and build communities that are more gender-equal, peaceful, and resilient to violent extremism conducive to terrorism. We will spotlight young Afghan women’s viewpoint on violent extremism and PCVE in their country. We will share reflections from young people in Mali on why a gender perspective is necessary in their country’s efforts on PCVE. In light of the global COVID-19 pandemic, we will also examine how this humanitarian emergency impacts on violent extremism and PCVE efforts, particularly in local communities.

The voices of young women amplified through this series send a clear message: violent extremism is a complex phenomenon that intersects with other forms of violence and insecurity in local communities. As such, PCVE efforts should be seen in a holistic manner, and should focus on addressing root causes of violence – including exclusion and gender inequality.

Through the series we will demonstrate that women, including young women, can successfully address the negative impact of violent extremism and its root causes, provided that they are recognized and empowered to be leaders and decision-makers in their communities. We also argue that such women-led approaches result in a more comprehensive and holistic approach to PCVE, by focusing on root causes of conflict and violence broadly, rather than singling out ideologically-motivated or extremist violence.

Recommendations:

Ahead of the 2020 United Nations High-Level Conference of Heads of Counter Terrorism Agencies of Member States, we call on the Member States and other relevant actors to:

Carry out rigorous gender-responsive and conflict and crisis analysis when formulating and implementing their PCVE strategies, including through investing in sex-disaggregated data and gender-responsive analysis on the drivers and impact of violent extremism conducive to terrorism, and developing gender-responsive risk assessment tools.
Ensure full and meaningful participation of grassroots women, young women, and girls at all levels of the design, implementation and monitoring of PCVE strategies, in a way that recognizes their diverse experiences, gives them power to shape decisions and design of the PCVE strategies, includes them in robust and institutionalized mechanisms to monitor the effectiveness of PCVE measures, and does not commodify or instrumentalize their contributions.
Refrain from securitized approaches to countering violent extremism, and invest in preventative approaches that address root causes of violent extremism, protect human rights, build community resilience, and are led by women, including young women.
Review existing counter terrorism, PCVE and “de-radicalization” strategies and measures to ensure that they are gender-responsive and rooted in respect for human rights and gender equality.
Recognize and adequately address the gendered nature of violent extremism and its impacts, including sexual violence, sexual slavery, early, forced, and child marriage, human trafficking, kidnapping and murder, and restricted access to education and sexual health and reproductive services.
Harmonize National Action Plans (NAPs) on PVE with those on WPS, and meaningfully include women and young people in the development of the NAPs.

Click here for more information on GNWP’s Young Women Leaders for Peace program, and how it contributes to sustainable, locally-led and gender-responsive PCVE.

[i] Women Peace and Security agenda comprises of UN Security Council Resolutions (UNSCR) 1325 (2000), 1820 (2008), 1888 (2008), 1889 (2009), 1960 (2010), 2106 (2013), 2122 (2013), 2242 (2015), and 2467 (2019). UNSCR 2242 made an explicit link between WPS and PVE, and called “for the greater integration by Member States and the United Nations of their agendas on women, peace and security, counter-terrorism and countering-violent extremism which can be conducive to terrorism.”

[ii] Youth Peace and Security agenda comprises of UNSCR 2250 and 2419. Both resolutions underscore the roles young people play in preventing violent extremism. UNSCR 2250 urges Member States to “increase inclusive representation of youth in decision-making at all levels (…) including institutions and mechanisms to counter violent extremism.”

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June 30, 2020

Women, peace and a pandemic: Translating gender provisions in peace deals into peaceful and inclusive societies during the COVID-19 outbreak

June 16, 2020 by Jenaina Irani and Agnieszka Fal-Dutra Santos

“Today, it should be unthinkable for peace talks or negotiations that take place in the world to not incorporate gender as a central aspect, since women not only have a right to meaningful participation, but are also key actors in the construction of peace.” – Nigeria Renteria, principal negotiator in the peace process between the Colombian Government and the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC)

Ms. Renteria’s statement during the online panel discussion on Gender in Peace Deals and COVID-19 responses organized by the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP) in collaboration with the New York University Center for Global Affairs (CGA) and UN Women on June 03, 2020, validates the findings of the research conducted by the NYU CGA in partnership with GNWP.

The research has established that more women at the peace table leads to greater inclusion in political and economic life after conflict; and that women’s meaningful participation is a pre-requisite for a just and inclusive peace.

The research was carried out by graduate students Ms. Jillian Abballe, Ms. Emma Grant, Ms. Foteini Papagioti, Ms. Dorie Reisman, and Ms. Nicole Smith as part of a practicum in late 2019. Using quantitative and qualitative analysis, the researchers examined the impacts of women’s participation in peace negotiations on political and economic outcomes five years after the conflict. They also analyzed existing opportunities and barriers for women’s meaningful participation in peace processes and in the implementation of peace agreements.

The findings were discussed, and validated, by Ms. Ayak Chol Deng Alak, Deputy Coordinator for the South Sudan civil society forum, Ms. Nigeria Renteria, a principal negotiator in the peace process between the Colombian Government and the FARC, and Ms. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, Chair of the Government Peace Panel in the peace negotiation between the Philippine government and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The discussion was moderated by Dr. Anne-Marie Goetz, a clinical professor at NYU CGA, and Ms. Mavic Cabrera-Balleza, the Founder and Chief Executive Officer of the GNWP.

This event could not have come at a more critical time. As we are approaching the 20^th Anniversary of UNSCR 1325 this October as well as the Generation Equality Forum that commemorates 25 years of the Beijing Platform for Action, a reflection on women’s meaningful participation in peace processes cannot be missing from these historical processes. Moreover, the COVID-19 pandemic has further emphasized the importance of women’s participation in peace negotiations and the implementation of peace agreements and brought to the fore many of the barriers they face.

The presentation of the final research report by Ms. Agnieszka-Fal Dutra Santos, Program Coordinator at GNWP, and Ms. Foteini Papagioti, NYU CGA graduate student, paved the way for a critical and lively discussion. The panelists were joined by over 250 people on the Zoom webinar, and over 3,000 watched via a live webcast.

Key recommendations from the NYU-GNWP research

1. The design of peace processes needs to be diverse and inclusive.

The meaningful participation of women requires thoughtful and intentional design. Tokenistic representation, or participation only in advisory or observer roles is not enough. Participatory peace processes need to be built on broad-based and diverse participation.

Participatory design leads to more inclusive processes, and a more just and equal peace. As stated by Nigeria Renteria, the inclusion of women negotiators and the creation of a gender commission in the peace process between the Colombian Government and the FARC ensured that the interests of people of all sexual orientation and gender identity in the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of programs at the political, social and economic levels. This is consistent with the messages of the GNWP-NYU research, which found that women’s participation in peace agreements predicted a higher labor force participation rate, women’s higher share in the Gross National Income, and a lower female-to-male GNI ratio five years after the conflict. “Today, it should be unthinkable for peace talks or negotiations that take place in the world to not incorporate gender as a central aspect, since women not only have a right to meaningful participation, but are also key actors in the construction of peace”, concluded Ms. Renteria.

In this context, it is critical to create stronger links between official (Track 1) peace negotiations and unofficial (Track 2 and Track 3) processes, where women are often at the forefront. This allows for more diverse participation and effective implementation of the peace agreement.

Read more about GNWP’s work to localize the peace agreement and bridge the gap between Track 1 and Track 2 & 3 peace processes here, here and here.

2. We need concrete action: gender provisions in peace agreements have to be actionable, context-specific and have a concrete implementation framework

In 2018, the proportion of peace agreements with gender-responsive provisions stood at only 7.7%, down from an average of 26% between 2001 and 2010. The GNWP-NYU research showed that concrete and actionable gender provisions – such as quotas for participation – can make a tangible difference in women’s political participation after conflict. With quotas, women use each successive election to increase their share of parliamentary seats.

However, panelists emphasized that implementation of the gender provisions – including quota – is not always a given. As attested by Ms. Coronel Ferrer, gender provisions in the Bangsamoro peace deal included a provision for a minimum number of political seats for women. Today, women form only 16% of total political representation in the transitional Bangsamoro Assembly. Coronel Ferrer emphasized that even though the number of the women in the Assembly is still not enough, their positive impact has already been apparent. She noted that these very leaders have been acting as catalysts of change in their communities via gender advocacy to change dominant, patriarchal culture.

Even where quotas have been formalized, such as in the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCSS), implementation has been extremely slow. Ms. Deng Alak pointed to the lack of political will, as well as patriarchal norms and attitudes toward women as the main reasons for this. Presently, only 4 of the 32 ministers are women; although that is a first, it still falls short of the 35%. Moreover, in political spaces, women are looked upon as “weak” and are forced to choose alliance to the party over the women’s movement or lose their career. Mali stands out in this matter, as pointed out by event attendee Ms. Mariam Diallo. Due to the 2015 gender quota law, Mali now has 29% of women parliamentarians, up significantly from the 10% or so representation prior to the law.

Thus, including quota in the peace agreements is important, but it is not sufficient in itself. Equally important is the inclusion of other gender provisions and concrete mechanisms for their implementation. In this context, Ms. Coronel-Ferrer shared that mandating concrete budgetary allocations for the implementation of gender provisions and for gender-responsive programs is a good practice for peace agreements to be effective.

3. Women’s economic empowerment in post-conflict countries must be a bigger priority for governments and donors.

This recommendation, echoed by the panelists and many of the event attendees, is not new. Local activists and peacebuilders constantly demand including women in decision-making on economic recovery. Event attendee Ms. Rahama Baloni from Mercy Corps, Nigeria commented that there is still very little support for peacebuilding programs that encompass economic empowerment. Ms. Deng Alak pointed out that economic empowerment and financial security is a must for women to have political participation and political support.

We have also seen the clear benefits of small economic empowerment initiatives. For example, young women whom GNWP trained in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) shared that running their own small businesses increased their decision-making power within their families and communities. As highlighted by Ms. Coronel Ferrer, the current gender provisions have not prevented women from being disproportionately disadvantaged economically. All five provinces of the Bangsamoro are at the bottom of the Human Development Index (HDI) rank and women make up only 26.1% of employed members of the labor force.

Women’s meaningful participation in peace processes is one of the six priority areas of accelerated implementation for UN Women in the context of this year’s 20^th anniversary of resolution 1325. Ms. Mireille Affa’a, a Policy Specialist in the Peace and Security Section, reaffirmed their commitment and spoke about how UN Women prioritizes women’s leadership and economic empowerment to ensure their peace interventions are sustained through economic recovery and inclusion in economic life post-conflict.

Impact of COVID-19 on women’s meaningful participation and implementation of peace agreements

The panelists also discussed the impacts of the ongoing pandemic of COVID-19 on peace processes and the implementation of peace agreements. During this crisis, many functions of governments, UN, and other institutions have slowed down or cease. Financial, human, and technical resources for the implementation of peace agreements have shifted to COVID-19 response. However, as noted by Ms. Cabrera-Balleza, the founder and chief executive officer of the GNWP, this is a self-defeating strategy, since conflict and violence amplify the impacts of the pandemic and conversely, the pandemic is also a conflict multiplier.

In Colombia, COVID-19 is one of the biggest challenges to peace since 2016. It has affected the implementation of the public policy integrated into the government plans, as well as the development plans at the municipal, departmental, and national levels. The crisis is also aggravating the health and food security challenges in local communities, particularly marginalized communities, who do not have adequate medical and service infrastructure to address COVID 19.

Ms. Deng Alak stated that COVID 19 has brought South Sudan to a standstill. The national government is using the pandemic as an excuse to stall peace processes and keep women out. The threat of hunger and disease plagues the whole country, but women face an additional threat of violence, with reports of increased gang rapes of women by men in uniform during this period. In the Philippines, COVID-19 has further compounded ongoing issues of loss of overseas jobs, investments and tourism, all of which the region relies on heavily.

Despite ongoing challenges, women are expected to play a key role in the reconstruction and recovery of their community and society after this pandemic. As emphasized by UN Women’s Ms. Affa’a, concrete, and sustainable investments into women’s livelihoods are a necessary intervention to build societies up better than before.

The ongoing pandemic compounds many challenges that women peacebuilders and peacemakers face. Yet, as stated by Ms. Cabrera-Balleza, “Peace cannot wait and peace cannot be a casualty of the COVID-19 crisis!”

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June 16, 2020

News

Statement of Solidarity with the Black Lives Matter Movement

June 5, 2020

The Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP), an intersectional feminist, human rights, peacebuilding organization, expresses its solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement for peace, equality, and justice in the United States of America.

As highlighted in the Sustaining Peace Agenda, peace cannot be defined merely as an absence of war or armed conflict. To women’s civil society around the world, human security, development, good governance, and a harmonious community grounded in principles of human rights and equality are the true essence of peace. Civil liberties such as the right to dissent, peaceful protest, and the right to assembly must be protected as human rights, as enshrined in Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Systems and structural barriers that reinforce political, economic, and social exclusion and limit the meaningful and equal participation of historically marginalized communities in political decision-making, the economy, and peace and security processes must be transformed. GNWP condemns police brutality and institutional racism, which is perpetuated without accountability and justice. The perpetrators of these violent human rights violations against the Black community must be charged and convicted for the crimes committed.

The Progress Study on Youth, Peace, and Security highlighted the harmful gendered stereotypes propagated in policy discourse, media, and social norms, which posit young men, particularly members of historically marginalized communities, as perpetrators of violence, dangerous not only to their society but to national security. Although police brutality and gender-based violence against women from historically marginalized communities is significantly underreported, young women of color experience multiple forms of discrimination due to their race, age and gender. These stereotypes of young people from minority communities contribute to their marginalization and stigmatization. They are framed as problems to be solved, rather than as partners for peace. However, globally, the contributions of young people to building sustainable peace and development, promoting equality, and advocating for justice are immense. The United States introduced the Youth, Peace, and Security Act of 2020 to the House of Representatives on March 10^th 2020, which will dramatically shape American foreign policy to invest in the leadership of youth in preventing and resolving conflict. GNWP urges the American government to implement the Youth, Peace, and Security Agenda domestically by recognizing, celebrating, and investing in movements for progressive transformation led by young people from historically marginalized, minority communities that fight bigotry, racism, violence, and discrimination.

GNWP echoes the call from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to the United Nations to “step up and classify the mistreatment of Black people in the United States of America by the police as human rights violations and impose sanctions if necessary.” We support their demands for police reform and federal legislation mandating a zero-tolerance approach in penalizing and/or prosecuting police officers who kill unarmed, non-violent, and non-resisting individuals in arrest. As a nonprofit organization headquartered in the United States, GNWP affirms its commitment to address forms of structural racism that exist in all places.

Power to the people!

Statement (English)

Déclaration (Français)

Comunicado (Español)

بيان (عربي)

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June 5, 2020

Uncategorized

Girl Ambassadors for Peace: Young Women and Girls Read and Lead to Counter Violent Extremism and Build Peace

Violent extremism has become the biggest threat of this modern age. This paper claims that violent extremism is an outcome of radicalization and that the involvement of women and girls is essential in order to counter violent extremism across the world.
Throughout the paper, violent extremism and radicalization will be analyzed to further understand the importance and influence of gender mainstreaming, as well as offer a discussion regarding the importance of local grass-roots initiatives to counter violent extremism.

English

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June 4, 2020

Uncategorized

No Money, No NAP: Manual for Costing and Budgeting National Action Plans on UNSCR 1325

A publication of the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders, funded by UN Women and the Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund.

Authors
Agnieszka Fal Dutra Santos and Mavic Cabrera–Balleza

Case Study Writers
Jordan: Agnieszka Fal Dutra Santos
Nepal: Katrina Leclerc

Substantive Editor
Mavic Cabrera–Balleza

Copy Editor
Dulcie Leimbach

Publication Coordinator
Katrina Leclerc

Proofreader and Assistant Publication Coordinator
Emilie Beck

Layout and Design
Jim Marpa

Acknowledgments
GNWP is deeply thankful to its members, partners and supporters, without whom this manual could not have been published.
We thank GNWP members and partners in Georgia, Jordan and Nepal and, in particular, the Jordanian National Commission for Women (JNCW), the Jordanian National Coalition for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325, Saathi Nepal, 1325 Action Group-Nepal, Nepal’s Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction and UN Women offices in Georgia, Jordan and Nepal, who made the organization of the NAP Costing and Budgeting Workshops possible.
GNWP is grateful to Cordaid for co-coordinating the research on financing National Action Plans and the Costing and Budgeting Workshop in Georgia. We offer our special thanks to Dewi Suralaga, Cordaid’s former policy adviser for her strategic vision on financing the WPS agenda.
Sincere thanks go to UN Women and the Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund for their faith in and support of this project.
We also thank Bas Beek, Inez Hackenberg, Arwa Al-Najdawi, Naif Al-Ibrahem, Keshab K. Upreti, Nigma Tamrakar and Birbhadra Acharya for lending their expertise and serving as resources during the workshops.
Finally, our sincere thanks go to Angelic Young, Arwa Al-Najdawi, Eleonore Veillet Chowdhury and Nigma Tamrakar for their insightful review of this manual.

June 4, 2020